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This article aims at analyzing the performance of international organizations in the sphere of peacemaking operations in the 2019-2020 years. During the detailed description of UN performance, the author concludes that every year the UN holds about 20 peacemaking operations with 180 000 persons involved. The main UN missions are situated in the African region. In general, the UN missions provide the region with stability and decrease confl ict. However, the region undergoes the consequences of COVID-19, which seems to be another option for the next peacemaking operations of the UN. Amid the performance of the UN, which is deeply involved in the peacemaking process, the measures of preventive diplomacy of OSCE do not look so successful. The level of confi dence between the states seems to be decreasing, which also results in the absence of regular reports on the military expenditure of states – members of the Organization. Except for the crisis of confi dence, the tensions between Russia and Europe are likely to rise, which also negatively infl uences the dialogue between the countries, unsuccessful attempts to stabilize the situation in Ukraine, and the resurgence of confl ict in Nagorny Karabakh. Referring to the history of NATO peacemaking operations, the author states, that despite 3 peacemaking operations only, being a regional Organization, NATO attracted the most number of personnel involved in the peacemaking process. At the same time, the peacemaking is not the only purposes of the Organization. NATO is also involved in Mediterranean sea patrolling, staff training in Iraq, air monitoring in Ukraine. Among the members of the Organization the military expenditures are also rising. One of the reasons for such situation lies in the crisis of relations between Russia and its European partners. Being also a military organization, NATO seems to be using this crisis in its political goals and in such a way intensifying its infl uence on international arena. The following circumstances should be taken into consideration for building a proper political course of the State as well as holding effective political dialogue with its partners. ; Данная статья представляет обзор и анализ деятельности международных организаций, связанных с миротворческим движением, на протяжении 2019-2020 гг. Анализируя деятельность ООН, автор приходит к выводу о том, что каждый год ООН проводит около 20 миссий, ради которых привлекает около 180 000 человек. Основные миссии ООН расположены в регионе Африка. В целом, миссии способствуют сохранению стабильности в регионе и снижению уровня конфликтности. Однако регион столкнулся с последствиями COVID-19, с чем в дальнейшем и предстоит бороться Организации. На фоне деятельности ООН, активно задействованной в миротворческих операциях, меры превентивной дипломатии ОБСЕ выглядят не такими впечатляющими: снижается уровень доверия между государствами, что также проявляется в нерегулярности обменов военной информацией между государствами-членами Организации. К уровню недоверия государств также прибавляется растущее напряжение отношений между Россией и Западом, что также негативно сказывается на результатах диалога между государствами: неудачные попытки стабилизировать ситуацию в Украине, возрождение конфликта в Нагорном Карабахе. Обращаясь к истории миротворческого движения НАТО, автор отмечает: несмотря на то, что в 2019 г. НАТО провела лишь три миротворческие операции, в качестве региональной организации она задействовала наибольшее количество персонала. Миротворческая деятельность не является единственной сферой для Альянса, НАТО также задействована в патрулировании Средиземного моря, подготовке кадров в Ираке, контроле за воздушным пространством Украины. Среди государств-членов Североатлантического альянса также наблюдается увеличение военных бюджетов. Одной из причин является усиление напряжения в отношениях между Россией и Западом. Являясь военной Организацией, НАТО стремится использовать данную ситуацию в своих интересах, тем самым расширив свою сферу влияния, что не может способствовать снижению напряжения и укреплению мер доверия на международной арене. Данные обстоятельства следует учитывать государствам в процессе выстраивания своей линии в диалоге с международным сообществом.

AbstractThe case made in this article is threefold: that the resolution of conflicts in the twenty-first century will depend much more on the judicious use of soft rather than hard power; that the type of soft power exercised through public diplomacy will move increasingly from monologue to dialogue and collaboration; and that there is an increasing convergence of thinking both in defence departments and foreign ministries on the role of public diplomacy in resolving conflict in asymmetrical warfare. That convergence is expressed in this article's characterization of the 'guerrilla diplomat'.

This study investigates several recent research efforts which have concluded that participation or membership in international organizations by nations and by individuals has some impact on national support for "world order." It reanalyzes this earlier research utilizing a more parsimonious and more plausible explanation of national support for world order, namely the national attributes of the countries involved. It is concluded that even limiting the analysis to the national attributes of size, wealth, and type of political system provides as much explanation for national support for world order as participation in international organizations, and in some cases accounts for variation in support for world order that cannot be accounted for by participation in international organizations. Implications of these results are then broadened to other studies which use the nation-state as the unit of analysis.

Examines the settlement of varied military & political disputes to quell increasing doubts about the viability of preventive diplomacy (PD) as a way for great powers to defuse international crises. Seven chronological cases, beginning with the 1830 Belgian revolt against the Dutch & ending with the recent conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina, are explored to shed light on how uncompromising local attitudes, rifts within international coalitions, & risks of PD failure were eventually overcome. Special emphasis is given to the endgame phase of conciliatory & coercive approaches to interventionist PD. It is emphasized that PD is not a one-time effort, & the failure of early intervention does not necessarily preclude the success of continued efforts. Key PD components of insulation & intervention are examined, noting that the primary task of a great power coalition involves overcoming the resistance of local antagonists in order to get them to accept an agreed-upon settlement. Four key distinctions for explaining cases of satisfactory PD settlements are discussed along with the policy implications of the case comparisons. 1 Table. J. Lindroth

Abstract
Conflict prevention is enjoying a renaissance in international policy circles. However, the official machinery of the international community presently offers few institutions with a specific mandate to address the causes of political violence at an early stage. One such multilateral mechanism dedicated solely to the prevention of conflict is the High Commissioner on National Minorities (HCNM) of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). Over two decades, the office has developed a significant track record of effectiveness against which to examine the preventive efforts of other intergovernmental organizations. In this article, we examine the prevention efforts of the HCNM in Georgia, Macedonia, and Ukraine and compare these with the preventive diplomacy of three other intergovernmental organizations (IGOs): the Organization of American States (OAS) in Guyana, the Commonwealth in Fiji, and the UN in Afghanistan, Burundi, and Macedonia. Our findings offer some useful and surprising insights into effective prevention practice, with implications for how IGOs might improve preventive diplomacy in the future.

Foreword / by Ambassador Tefera Shiawal -- The United Nations -- Africa : the AU and sub-regional organizations -- Asia : ASEAN and other sub-regional institutions and proposals -- The Americas and Europe : the OAS and OSCE -- Conclusion: Optimism about civil society, and a proposed executive preventive role for the UN Security Council.

Every year, Uppsala University awards the Johan Skytte Prize in Political Science to a scholar who has made a valuable contribution to political science. In 1998 the prize was awarded to Stanford Professor Emeritus Alexander George for his `pathbreaking analysis of statecraft, its possibilities and limits, performed with great sensitivity for the importance of judgment, reasoned argumentation and responsible leadership in foreign policy decision-making'. George has made major contributions on presidential decision-making, crisis management, case study method, deterrence theory, coercive diplomacy, preventive diplomacy, and how to bridge the gap between the policy world and academics. While in Sweden to accept this prestigious award, George gave a lecture at the Swedish Institute of International Affairs. This revised version of his address deals with how to develop academic scholarship for policy-making. The specific topic discussed here, strategies for preventive diplomacy and conflict resolution, is inspired by the work George has recently concluded for the Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict and the Committee on International Conflict Resolution of the National Academy of Sciences in Washington DC. In this piece, George argues that in the new geopolitical environment of the post-Cold War world a better understanding of preventive diplomacy and conflict resolution is crucial for effective statecraft. To help accomplish this, he urges scholars to join foreign policy practitioners in analyzing the successes and failures of past cases of preventive diplomacy. Only through proper diagnoses can we better understand the many tools and instruments of conflict prevention and resolution and how policy-makers can make more effective use of them.

How analysis of Cold War diplomacy, both successful and unsuccessful, can help scholars and policy makers better understand conflict prevention and resolution in the post-Cold War era; focus on work of two groups in the US. Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict and the Committee on International Conflict Resolution of the National Academy of Sciences, Washington, D.C.